Posts Tagged 'asylum'

Hate attacks on the rise in Greece, activists warn

By Harry van Versendaal

Racially motivated attacks have risen in number as well as intensity in Greece as authorities’ efforts to tackle the problem remain halfhearted, a network of human rights organizations has warned.

Greece, a main transit point for Asian and African immigrants seeking to set foot in the European Union, has seen a growing wave of xenophobia prompted by a mix of economic malaise and political disillusionment. Golden Dawn, a neofascist party that wants to kick foreigners out of the country, currently controls 18 seats in the 300-member House while polling around 11 percent in recent surveys.

A total of 154 racist attacks were recorded in 2012 by the Racist Violence Recording Network, a collection of 30 nongovernmental organizations initiated two years ago by the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) and the National Commission for Human Rights (NCHR) that presented its 2012 report yesterday in Athens. But the actual number is believed to be a lot higher as victims are either too scared to report incidents to the police or because they are turned away.

“What we are faced with is murderous, racist violence. Its objective is no longer just to intimidate, but to cause victims,” NCHR president Kostis Papaioannou told the press briefing.

“Some people thought they did not have a dog in this fight. However, the range of attacks is growing in terms of geography as well as targets,” he said, mentioning that gay people are now also on the list of potential targets.

The report was released a week after more than 30 Bangladeshi strawberry pickers in the Peloponnese district of Manolada suffered shotgun wounds during a dispute over six months of back pay with their supervisors. The three foremen have been charged with attempted murder and illegal weapons possession and will await trial in prison custody.

Most of the documented hate attacks occurred in the Athens districts of Omonia, Aghios Panteleimonas, Attiki Square and Amerikis Square – all areas with large immigrant populations. Forty-four of the victims were asylum seekers, four were recognized refugees, 15 possessed residence permits, and 79 were unregistered, according to the report. The majority were Muslims.

Most victims were attacked in public spaces such as squares or on public transport, usually by groups of men dressed in black, and at times with military trousers, wearing helmets or with their faces covered. Several carried Golden Dawn insignia or had been spotted at public events organized by the party. Perpetrators occasionally included Albanian immigrants.

In many cases victims reported the use of weapons, such as clubs, crowbars, folding batons, chains, brass knuckles, knives and broken bottles. Assailants sometimes used large dogs.

“The victims had suffered multiple injuries,” said Giorgos Tsarbopoulos, head of the UNHCR office in Greece, ranging from fractures and contusions to symptoms of posttraumatic stress.

Fear of attack has turned several neighborhoods in Athens into no-go areas for the capital’s immigrant population.

“People are too afraid to walk out of their home to buy bread,” said the president of the Association of Afghans United in Greece, Reza Golami.

Police involvement

Activists worryingly noted a growing involvement of police officials and public servants in racist attacks. Most such incidents, the report said, concerned duty officers who resorted to illegal acts and violent practices while carrying out routine checks.

“Many in the police force have come to view racist violence as something normal, a natural state of affairs,” Papaioannou said, adding that part of the problem is that xenophobic language has moved deep into mainstream territory.

Before the 2012 elections, Antonis Samaras, now leader of Greece’s conservative-led coalition, pledged to “reclaim” cities from the hordes of illegal immigrants.

Some of the attacks, the report said, came from public servants. Earlier this month a bus driver in Thessaloniki, northern Greece, forced two passengers to get off his bus because they were immigrants.

Experts said that many victims are reluctant to report the attacks because they lack legal documents and are therefore afraid that the police will arrest and deport them.

“Instead of investigating whether a crime has been committed, police officers rather check whether the victims have legal residence permits,” said Vassilis Papastergiou from the Group of Lawyers for the Rights of Migrants and Refugees.

Activists said authorities should instead provide for the suspension of arrest and deportation decisions against victims who file a complaint. The report recommended that victims be given a residence permit on humanitarian grounds, similar to the protection awarded to victims of trafficking – a status awarded to the Manolada victims.

“We hope that the interest in these people will not last only as long as the spotlight is on Manolada,” Papaioannou said.

Advertisements

Pressed by human rights activists, Greece pledges to stop deportations of Syrian refugees

Image
By Harry van Versendaal

Greece on Wednesday pledged to halt deportations of Syrian refugees, as human rights activists called for measures to ensure that asylum seekers from the war-torn Middle Eastern state have access to Greek territory and safety.

“No Syrian refugees will be detained or returned,” Manolis Katriadakis, who is responsible for migration issues at the Ministry of Public Order, told a conference organized in Athens by the United Nations Refugee Agency.

“Deportation decisions on Syrians will be suspended and reviewed every six months,” he said, adding that authorities were trying to improve access to asylum services for them.

Two years since the uprising against the regime of President Bashar al-Assad, it is estimated that more than 70,000 Syrians, mostly civilians, have died while tens of thousands of political prisoners remain unaccounted for. The UNHCR reckons that over 1.3 million refugees, 71 percent of whom are women and children, have fled Syria and a further 2 million have been displaced within the country as the Arab Spring-inspired protest movement degenerated into an increasingly sectarian conflict.

“The Syria situation is one of the most complex and dangerous in the world and the largest and most quickly deteriorating humanitarian crisis on the planet,” UNHCR regional refugee coordinator for Syria Panos Moumtzis said.

“The situation is desperate and is becoming explosive,” he said.

Greece, a key transit point for Asian and African immigrants seeking to sneak into the European Union, has been relatively unaffected by the Syria crisis, figures suggest.

Last year, about 8,000 Syrians were detected entering or residing in Greece illegally. A total 1,623 Syrian nationals were arrested in the first quarter of 2013. There is no official number of the Syrians living in Greece at the moment.

“Greece must remain on standby, but it is by no means faced with a [humanitarian] crisis, said Giorgos Tsarbopoulos, head of the UNHCR office in Greece, adding that the brunt of the refugee exodus has been borne by Syria’s neighbors.

Lebanon has received an estimated 417,827 refugees while 432,263 have fled into Jordan. An estimated 400,000 Syrian refugees are in Turkey and Iraq has provided refuge for 130,379 people.

Strengthened security in the Evros region, including a 10.5-kilometer barbed-wire fence along the Turkish frontier, has led to a spike in arrivals on Greece’s eastern Aegean islands only a few kilometers from the Turkish coast. Would-be immigrants pay smugglers thousands of dollars for space on a packed rubber dinghy. Dozens drown in the sea every year. Those who manage to get a foot on the ground have to deal with messy asylum and immigration systems and the growing menace of far-right thugs.

Like all other immigrants, Syrians are subject to arrest, detention, rejection of asylum, pushbacks and deportations, activists say.

In 2012, the number of Syrians granted asylum in the first instance was just two. Because of Greece’s bad reputation, most don’t even bother to apply for protection status – only 152 applications were submitted last year. Meanwhile, at least 55 have been deported since last year according to Human Rights Watch, although Greek authorities deny the allegations, saying these concerned voluntary repatriations.

“Detention is problematic and conditions are inappropriate,” Tsarbopoulos said of the overcrowded and underserviced migrant camps across the country while stressing the problems caused by the lack of interpreters and qualified interviewers to even establish if the asylum seekers are Syrians or not.

“Clearly, they are not treated the way they should be by the authorities,” he said.

Greece’s much-criticized asylum system is finally set for a revamp. In 2011 the country, which has often complained of unfair burden-sharing to its peers in the 27-member bloc, was found in breach of the Convention on Human Rights over detention conditions at immigrant camps. The new asylum system, which will not involve the police, is to go into effect on June 1, Katriadakis said.

“That will hopefully solve most of the problems,” he added.

Greece told to reform dysfunctional asylum system

By Harry van Versendaal

People who are at risk of suffering severe human rights abuses if they are returned to their home countries are not receiving fair consideration of their asylum claims in Greece, groups who lobby for refugees’ rights have warned, calling for urgent reform of the country’s near-defunct asylum system.

Persistent failure to overhaul Greece’s dysfunctional system for granting asylum to refugees has created a mammoth backlog of some 46,000 applications – more than 16,000 people bid for asylum last year. But only a small fraction, 0.04 percent of applicants, were granted some kind of protection in Greece compared to an average of 30 percent in countries in western Europe.

The UN High Commissioner for Refugees last week urged the European Union to take immediate action to help Greece grapple with the burgeoning numbers of would-be refugees sprawling in the streets of the country – what is more at a time of rising hostility toward foreign migrants.

“This is a humanitarian crisis situation which should not exist in the European Union,” UNHCR spokesman Adrian Edwards told journalists in Geneva.

The UNHCR appeal followed a Human Rights Watch (HRW) shaming of Greece’s Socialist government for failing to make good on its promise to finally streamline the country’s flawed asylum system.

“Despite its formal commitments, the Greek government has utterly failed to meet its most basic responsibilities to protect refugees,” said Bill Frelick, HRW’s refugee program director, calling on the UN agency to step in and take over processing asylum claims.

Pattern of neglect

Human rights organizations have repeatedly slammed what they see as a pattern of incompetence and neglect.

“In practice, issues related to asylum were never high on different governments’ agendas and appointing the police to determine the status of refugees was not the most appropriate policy,” Ketty Kehayioylou, public information officer at UNHCR Greece, told Athens Plus.

“But let us look ahead of us,” she added, welcoming a recent pledge by the administration to carry out a far-reaching reform of the asylum system.

The government, which has put most of its energies into pulling the country out of a gaping fiscal hole, was expected to pass a presidential decree to introduce emergency reforms by the end of September. But the changes, designed to guarantee a fairer and more efficient examination of pending asylum applications, appear to have suffered a setback following a Cabinet reshuffle announced earlier this month by Prime Minister George Papandreou.

“The postponement of long-awaited interim fixes means that Greece is not even back to square one in the process of repairing an asylum system in need of a complete overhaul,” Frelick said.

The Citizens’ Protection Ministry recently granted asylum to six Iranian men who had been on hunger strike for several weeks in Athens in protest at long delays in the processing of their asylum bids. But it did note that recognition was granted on a one-off basis “for humanitarian reasons.”

Unfair burden

While urging Athens to accelerate reforms, the UN refugee agency and other refugee rights groups admit that Greece has been made to shoulder an unfair burden as compared to its EU peers. Under the European “Dublin II” regulations, asylum seekers found moving within the continent can be sent back to the state where they first fielded their application. The condition is highly unfavorable for cash-strapped Greece, which happens to form a particularly porous border for Europe.

“Greece is struggling to deal with what is essentially an EU problem,” said the UNHCR’s Edwards. He made an appeal to the EU “to step up its assistance to help Greece comply with its international and European obligations.”

Kehayioylou warned that, given the problems of Greece’s asylum system, persons who are sent back to Greece under Dublin II have little chance of being granted protection. “The absence of accommodation and other support for asylum seekers, as well as poor integration prospects for those who will be given refugee status, also create enormous hardships,” she told this newspaper.

“Therefore, UNHCR continues to reiterate its recommendation to other European countries not to send asylum seekers back to Greece and supports the proposal made by the Belgian presidency of the EU for a ‘temporary suspension’ for states facing significant pressures on their asylum systems,” Kehayioylou said.

EU hand

The European Commission on Monday promised debt-choked Greece financial assistance and technical know-how to reconstruct its asylum system. But even that may not be enough, as bureaucratic snags have in the past prevented Greece from fully absorbing the EU’s asylum funds.

The asylum

By Harry van Versendaal

In “Dogtooth,” Yorgos Lanthimos’s much-applauded last film, three walled-off kids are subjected to the perverted language games of their uber-controlling parents: hence a large armchair is “the sea,” a lamp is a “white bird,” a cat is “a life-threatening animal.”

Greeks, of course, are no strangers to linguistic abuse. “University asylum,” a law that bans police from campuses so as to safeguard “the free dissemination of ideas,” has started to feel much like the opposite.

Professors and students are regularly bullied and physically abused by groups of non-students, ranging from self-styled anarchists to ultra-leftists. Threats and destruction of public property are often accompanied by beatings. University-owned buildings are occupied by outsiders who use them for private purposes such as hosting publishing centers, radio stations and websites like the “bourgeois”-bashing Indymedia network. During clashes with the police, protesters use the premises to regroup and to renew their supplies of petrol bombs before getting back to the streets. Although some education is involved in all of that, it surely is not of the sort the lawmakers had in mind.

The asylum law was established in the early 1980s by the late Andreas Papandreou’s socialist PASOK in a bid to forestall a repeat of the army raid that crushed the Athens Polytechnic uprising against the military junta in November 1973. The uprising is a watershed moment in Greece’s modern political history and many politicians have, often unscrupulously, capitalized on their part in it. Politics here is still much about managing symbols.

Hence it’s easy to see how the ongoing debate about whether to scrap asylum legislation has become a symbolic battlefield in a war that exceeds the old-style left-right divisions. The rampage following the police shooting of 15-year-old Alexandros Grigoropoulos in the pock-marked Exarchia district last December caused cracks on the left between the motley crew of banner-waving radicals and the more sober elements who were put off by the orgy of vandalism and violence. Hundreds of cars were torched and shops destroyed or looted in the riots that cost some 100 million euros in damages as the conservative government ordered riot policemen to keep their batons sheathed for fear of justifying its right-wing bogeyman profile.

The riots exposed the cynicism but also the divisions and ideological confusion of the Greek left, as reactions ranged from delight and schadenfreude to sadness and despair. Voters eventually punished those who sought to exploit the backlash, none more so than SYRIZA chief Alexis Tsipras, whose reluctance to clearly condemn the violence quickly transformed him from socialist wunderkind to villain. His party, a coalition of radical left-wing factions, was seriously damaged in the elections that followed. Mainstream voters, once charmed by his ostensibly maverick style, did not like what they saw on their television screens.

The uncomfortable truth is that leftist activists are increasingly flirting with violence, prompting further soul-searching among their nonmilitant fellows. A number of professors, writers and journalists have over the past year been attacked on campuses and in bookshops, also in the ostensibly pluralist Exarchia. Even Soti Triantafillou, a self-described leftist author who lives in the area, was recently harassed during a book presentation by a group of men who threw eggs at her for being “a capitalist lackey.” The assailants warned Triantafillou, who has in the past received threats against her life, that she is a persona non grata in that part of town.

Decades of anti-rightist reflexes ensure that any move on university asylum will not go down easily. Even mild measures that go without saying in foreign institutions, like the introduction of university security guards and identity cards for students proposed by the Athens Law School last week, have met here with opposition from students – even those belonging to the New Democracy-affiliated group. Such ideological paradoxes expose vested interests that escape left-right dichotomies.

Critics of the asylum law claim it is a meaningless safeguard – and they are right. Any dictatorship’s first move would be to do away with the Constitution and, in that sense, it’s true that the asylum law does not carry much weight on a practical level. But symbols can have real power over people’s behavior. Green-lighting police patrols inside campuses risks causing more problems than it would solve. After all, scrapping university asylum altogether because you can’t stop a bunch of so called anti-establishment youths from using it as a base is to throw out the baby with the bathwater.

The law allows prosecutors to intervene when a felony is committed – but the police has only rarely, and only too late, taken action inside the premises despite the extensive wrongdoing. Anyone who lives in this country knows that keeping the law in place while preventing its abuse is a matter of political will. Ironically, this time the hot potato is in socialist hands. Perhaps it’s better that way. It took a socialist public order minister, the deft-handed Michalis Chrysochoidis, to launch a tough crackdown on troublemakers in order to prevent a repeat of the havoc on the anniversary of Grigoropoulos’s death.

Chrysochoidis, the man behind the dismantling of local terrorist group November 17, knows that, once again, much will depend on public consent. And as the 2002 terrorist crackdown showed, there is no better way of gaining this than by stripping wrongdoers of their heroic aura. The government will only manage to clean up the mess when the public comes to see university asylum for what it has been reduced to: an excuse for real, not theoretical, anarchy.


Latest Tweets

Enter your email address to subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email.

Join 31 other followers

Advertisements